A light in the dark. Can a local aid organisation in Sudan win the Nobel Peace Prize?

Anders F. Breidlid (Professor, OsloMet) 8. okt.

This is op ed was first published in Norwegian language in the newspaper Klassekapen. https://klassekampen.no/artikkel/2025-10-08/et-lys-i-morket/ZKn2 The English version was translated by DeepL.

The civil war in Sudan is described as one of the most serious and least publicised crises of our time. In June this year, UN special rapporteurs described the situation as the world’s worst humanitarian disaster and warned of a very high risk of genocide.

The civil war that began in April 2023 between government forces (SAF) led by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and the paramilitary group (RSF) led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo has caused widespread destruction and suffering. 150,000 people have lost their lives since the civil war in Sudan broke out, and 13 million people are displaced. Health services have collapsed, and many people do not have sufficient access to food and clean water. On the ground, aid efforts are hampered by unsafe conditions and difficult logistics.

The international community has largely turned a blind eye to the conflict, although some attempts at peace mediation have been made by the UN, the AU and neighbouring countries, without leading to any breakthrough. At the same time, several countries are secretly exploiting the situation and taking advantage of the bloody civil war in their own interests: the struggle for important minerals such as gold.

In the midst of this tragic situation, a remarkable local aid organisation has emerged that is saving lives and giving hope: Emergency Response Rooms, known as ERR.

This is a wide-ranging network of volunteers and health workers spread across large parts of Sudan. The network mobilises local communities and builds on the traditional Sudanese practice of “nafeer”, where people come together to help each other in times of crisis. This practice has become vital in the face of the warring parties’ inability and unwillingness to assist the population. Complex challenges such as emergency medicine, transporting the wounded and dead, delivering clean water, preventing sexual violence and documenting human rights violations are at the core of ERR’s work. In addition, volunteers in the ERR network have established schools offering formal education based on the national curriculum for children in conflict areas, as well as mental health, arts, sports and cultural awareness programmes. In several areas, ERR is the only lifeline for civilians who often live under constant threat.

‘Cannot be negotiated in meeting rooms alone’

The conflict in Sudan has a complex background. After Omar al-Bashir’s fall in 2019, disagreement grew over how paramilitary forces should be incorporated into the country’s national security apparatus. This disagreement developed into a bloody power struggle between the leadership of the armed forces (SAF) and the paramilitary group (RSF). Not least, the struggle for natural resources was central. The RSF controls important resources, particularly the gold mines in Darfur, which have become an important source of income. The SAF controls state-owned companies and key sectors such as agriculture and mining (except in areas controlled by the RSF) as well as the oil and gas sector. The fighting has particularly affected the areas around the capital Khartoum, Darfur, Kordofan and Eastern Sudan. Virtually all basic living conditions have deteriorated, and cholera and malaria are spreading in the devastated areas.

Sudan is also one of the countries in the world hardest hit by climate change. Drought, desertification and irregular rainfall have caused competition for grazing land and water resources to reach critical levels. This exacerbates the conflict and creates new tensions.

Several paramilitary groups and regular forces have been recruited along ethnic lines. Many minority groups, particularly in Darfur, are subjected to gross and systematic abuses, including murder, sexual violence, torture and displacement. These actions create deep wounds and cement mistrust between population groups, making future reconciliation and peacebuilding difficult.

In this situation, Emergency Response Rooms show what a difference local action can make. Their work has attracted international attention. ERR received the Raft Prize in 2025 and has now been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. The nomination is not only a recognition of ERR’s humanitarian efforts, but also a signal that future peace and stability in Sudan must also be based on the local community’s ability to build resilience and restore trust.

Sudan is a country where several crises overlap and reinforce each other: political power struggles, economic inequality, competition for resources, climate crisis and ethnic divisions. There are no quick or easy solutions, but lasting peace cannot be achieved without local actors such as Emergency Response Rooms. ERR’s efforts are a light in the darkness and a reminder that peace cannot only be negotiated in meeting rooms far from conflict zones. It is largely thanks to the local work of ERR that there is still a glimmer of hope in this terrible conflict. The international community should focus its attention and resources on such civilian aid organisations operating in areas where the state is often absent. Support for local initiatives cannot replace necessary political solutions and international diplomacy, but they are a critical prerequisite for meeting humanitarian needs and establishing peace in the long term. It is only through such a balanced approach that it is realistic to create lasting improvements in a situation characterised by conflict and hardship.

The crisis in Sudan will not disappear on its own, but increased international attention and resources for grassroots movements such as ERR could be an important step in the right direction. A Nobel Peace Prize would help to keep hope alive.

Can history education foster peace? MF reseacher leads new international project

By: Ragnhild Aadland Høen Published: 16. September 2025, last changed 17. September 2025, published originally on mf.no https://mf.no/en/research/can-history-education-foster-peace-mf-reseacher-leads-new-international-project 

MF Norwegian School of Theology, Religion and Society has been awarded NOK 9.9 million by the Research Council of Norway for a prestigious international research project on how history education can contribute to peace and reconciliation in conflict-affected societies. – We know that history can be used for peace and reconciliation, but all too often it is used for the opposite – to create enemy images and hostility, says Associate Professor and project leader Merethe Skårås.

The project “History education for reconciliation and justice: Difficult history in divided societies – JUSTHIS” will investigate how difficult history is taught in countries with deep ethnic, religious and political divisions.

The researchers will analyse textbooks and curricula, observe classroom teaching, and study unofficial uses of history – narratives, songs and poems that circulate outside schools, in local communities.

– Research shows that history should be taught from multiple perspectives. But in divided societies there is often only one official narrative presented in schools. We want to explore whether it is possible to introduce multiple perspectives into the classroom – and how this can be done in practice, Skårås explains.

Fieldwork in the Nile Valley

JUSTHIS will focus on four countries in the Nile Valley: Egypt, Ethiopia, Sudan and South Sudan.

– All researchers in the project have previously carried out research in this region – on textbooks, curricula, oral storytelling and classroom practices. We work closely with local institutions, including the Rift Valley Institute, which provides us with invaluable knowledge of the region, says Skårås.

Several of the countries are experiencing armed conflict, and fieldwork involves high risk. Sudan is marked by full-scale war, while South Sudan has a fragile peace agreement and is preparing for its first democratic elections in 2026. Ethiopia is struggling with both conflict and economic crisis, and in Egypt the education system is tightly controlled, making school-based fieldwork challenging.

– This is precisely why there is so little research on history education in these areas – and why this project is important. If we succeed in developing new approaches to teaching multiple historical perspectives, it could have a significant impact on how people live together across ethnic, cultural and religious divides, Skårås emphasises.

Relevance for Norway and Europe

Although the project focuses on the Nile Valley, Skårås believes it is also highly relevant for Norwegian and European schools.

– Education is used politically everywhere. We saw it in Russia after the invasion of Ukraine, and we see it in the Balkans. Norwegian textbooks are not flawless either – there are stories and perspectives here too that are marginalised. So there is much we can learn from this work as well, she says.

Personal motivation

For Skårås, the project is more than an academic exercise.

– Education is the only place in society where everyone participates. It is therefore crucial that it is an inclusive arena. It is not just about teaching literacy and numeracy, but about shaping our shared identity – about who we are. I believe history education is underestimated in terms of how much it actually shapes the way we live together, says Merethe Skårås.

Project facts

  • Title: History education for reconciliation and justice: Difficult history in divided societies – JUSTHIS
  • Project leader: Associate Professor Merethe Skårås, MF Norwegian School of Theology, Religion and Society
  • Project members:
    • Benise Bentrovato, University of Pretoria (South Africa)
    • Nicky Kindersley, Cardiff University (United Kingdom)
    • Yosa Wawa, Rift Valley Institute and University of Juba (South Sudan)
  • Countries in focus: Egypt, Ethiopia, Sudan and South Sudan
  • Project duration: Four years, starting 1 January 2026
  • Funding: Research Council of Norway – Research Project for Early Career Scientists (FRIPRO)

A bad moment for Cecil, a good moment for Rhodes

This post was written in honour of my South African colleague and friend Ken Ngcoza and it was first published in Makhanda’s local newspaper, Grocott’s Mail in November 2021.

In his recent inaugural lecture as Professor of Science Education at Rhodes University, Prof Kenneth Mlungisi Ngcoza, preferably addressed by his clan name Mthembu, made explicit that poverty should not only be understood in terms of economic means but also as the absence of education. Mthembu’s lecture, ‘From Poverty to University: Journeys, Challenges and Opportunities’, contained stories about offering ‘hands-up’ and ‘second chances’ in education.

Despite the event taking place in an auditorium and digitally on Zoom, Mthembu conveyed his stories in the spirit of traditional Ubuntu storytelling, where people would gather around a fire, listening to, and learning from, shared stories, while everyone was getting an equal share of heat from the fire. His stories concerned his biography as a Makhanda township boy, growing up as the son of a railway labourer and a domestic worker, who would pay her son’s school books and school fees from her limited wages. For this boy, Rhodes University was a physically close but unreachable promised land that he would not enter until many decades later. Mthembu’s stories also covered the many Makhanda township learners and in-service teachers who – like himself – benefitted from hands-up and second chances of the various community outreach programmes, like Gadra Education, that help them to fight educational poverty and enter the academic programmes at Rhodes.

Mthembu called his inaugural lecture a milestone in his life. The lecture was, however, also a decolonial milestone. Not only did another black professor claim his space in the same former white university that once rejected him as a student (though Mthembu made a point that it was Apartheid, not the university which rejected him), but the lecture also contained many elements that are still unusual in academic settings. As mentioned, the lecture was framed as Ubuntu storytelling. It was held in the presence of the spirits of passed away relatives, especially Mthembu’s abovementioned parents. It contained isiXhosa proverbs, the use of clan names, poems – and it was regularly interrupted by Mthembu bursting out into song both to celebrate the joyous occasion and because songs were part of his stories. Moreover, the lecture added to the uncountable number of testimonials about how South African education (during Apartheid and after that) was not connected to black students’ lived realities. None of the teachings Mthembu would learn from his mother while collecting firewood or the making of Umqombothi was ever relevant in school. Neither could he ever apply anything he learnt in maths and science class at home – despite his excellent grades.

Mthembu’s lecture was a tribute to indigenous ways of knowing and bore witness to Mthembu’s and his PhD students’ pioneering work of bridging the distance between township communities and campus and bringing these ways of knowing into everyday academic teaching and learning. This is not, as some fear, a threat to science and scientific rigour. It is not a move towards throwing out the so-called Western knowledge and “taking over”. Instead, it is a chance to complement, complete, enrich and constructively challenge dominating Western knowledge archives and unsettle existing hierarchies between knowledge systems. According to many, both environmental scientists and philosophers, solving our planet’s virulent ecological crises requires precisely that: drawing on more than one knowledge archive. Ubuntu, as a notion of togetherness that, according to Mthembu, is not reserved for specific skin colour, can facilitate such togetherness of knowledge systems in the academic space.

The project of decolonising academia holds many unanswered questions. Seeing Mthembu wearing the traditional academic garment directly inherited from the British academic tradition upon which Rhodes University was built triggered one of these questions: Is this red robe a symbol of colonial culture, and does wearing it mean submitting to this culture and everything it implies? Or is claiming the robe and chanting in isiXhosa while wearing it a decolonial act? Whatever the answer to this question might be, one thing is sure: Cecil Rhodes would not have liked the sight. Mthembu’s inaugural lecture was a bad moment for Cecil Rhodes’s colonial project. But it was a proud moment for the university that still bears his name.

To crash or not to crash the canon? Seeking to address coloniality in a one-year social science programme in Norway

This text was originally written as a rai for convivial thinking and was first published there.

The decolonising academia movement came to Norway not in form of student protests, but as a – pretty heated – feuilleton debate between academics. During summer 2018, there was strong disagreement between those for whom the inclusion of multiple voices violates the principle of professionalism and is contrary to the whole idea of ​​academia and those who argue that decolonisation, will bring about more complex and nuanced perspectives about the world and thereby, in fact, lead to more robust knowledge generation. Last year, I was asked by a colleague to teach two classes on this debate in one of my institution’s social science bachelor programmes. As part of my classes, the students discussed whether and, if so, how, coloniality found expression in the courses they attended. From this exercise, it was a short way to reflecting on, and introducing some first tentative changes to, the courses which I am responsible for myself.

My understanding of epistemic (de-)colonisation and coloniality is informed by thinkers such as Achille MbembeNgũgĩ wa Thiong’oNdlovu-GatsheniLinda Tuhiwai Smith and Walter Mignolo. If colonisation does not only mean conquering physical territories and political systems, but also epistemological and ontological assumptions, then decolonisation implies resisting or trying to address these colonisation processes.

Stein, Andreotti, Ahenakew & Hunt observe four – not mutually exclusive – interpretations of how decolonising the university is approached: firstly and most commonly, decolonisation is interpreted as an optional add-on to university efforts within the realm of equity, diversity, and inclusion. Secondly, decolonisation can be understood either as a complete transformation of existing institutions or as creating alternative institutions that replace existing ones. Thirdly, decolonisation may be understood as “hacking”, by mobilising the resources of existing institutions to establish small decolonial “cracks”. Finally, based on a notion that present institutions as inherently unsustainable, decolonisation can be understood as hospicing, while envisioning entirely new universities in the future. Stein et al. focus on indigenous peoples’ participation in academia in the Americas and South Africa, hence on a context that differs much from the Norwegian one. Yet, I found their four categories useful to situate my own efforts. Most of these efforts belong doubtlessly to the first interpretation of decolonisation, which can be critiqued as tokenistic. Certainly, access of marginalised groups to academia as well as small corrections of the status quo are not enough to drive comprehensive decolonial transformations. Yet, I think addressing coloniality in whatever small way we can, might be of greater benefit for today’s students than waiting for the current system to die. Rather, my hope would be that such small alterations in, for example, who succeeds within Norwegian academia, what is taught, how it is taught and who teaches it, might eventually contribute to more holistic transformation.

In the following, I raise three points of colonial concern in my first-year social science courses. The tentative changes I introduced to these courses were not only informed by comments from the students’ in the initially mentioned classes on decolonising academia, but also by a very helpful toolkit called avkolonisering av academia (“decolonising academia”) issued by the Norwegian Students’ and Academics’ International Assistance Fund (SAIH). The toolkit situates the decolonisation debate within the Norwegian context. A context that includes addressing both Denmark-Norway as a colonial power and Norway’s Norwegianisation politics concerning the country’s indigenous population, the Sami. Moreover, it very centrally recognises and addresses Norway’s institutions of Higher Education as Westernised Universities that reproduce conditions of coloniality and systemic power imbalances. In addition, my practical attempts to address coloniality in my classroom are informed by much appreciated discussions with colleagues, which I hereby acknowledge. My reason for using the first-person singular in this text nevertheless, is that the questions raised as well as any shortcomings in thinking, are mine.

1) Why is my curriculum white?

Which knowledges are relevant for 21st century multicultural Norway? The students in my decolonising academia lectures criticised that the main textbook in our introductory course presents the typical white heterosexual middleclass male Euro/Amero-centric sociology canon. Given that Norway is situated in Europe, a certain Eurocentrism in the syllabus seems plausible. But is that canon suited to understand contemporary Norway’s highly multicultural society and acknowledge voices that are silenced? Having in mind the Norwegian colonial context as outlined above, I introduced the following changes to the course:

In the course’s theory lecture series:

  • change the order of lectures to start (instead of to end) with a problematisation of so-called “Western” knowledge; introduce the concepts of epistemology and positionality to establish that all theory is formulated and constructed from a social location and to contextualise “Western” social science knowledge within a landscape of multiple ways of knowing;
  • include a lecture and texts on the coloniality of knowledge production (in addition to lectures on power, orientalism and feminism which were part of the course already), addressing both the reproduction of coloniality in Norwegian institutions and Denmark-Norway as colonial power;
  • include texts by Sami authors and lecture on Sami philosophy as one very relevant “non-Western”/indigenous part of Norwegian knowledge tradition.

In the course’s methodology lecture series:

  • include a lecture on positionality, the relationship between research and colonialism and indigenous/Sami research methodologies.

In future semesters, I would like to disrupt the existing social science canon by introducing a much more diversified and decentralised syllabus.

However, here are two challenges:

Norwegian is a small language with around 5,2 million native speakers. Therefore, texts outside the typical canon are rarely translated to Norwegian. Adding English texts to the syllabus presents a challenge to my students. There are no entry requirements to the first-year social science programme, which I am responsible for. As result, we have a very diverse student group in terms of (what traditionally counts as) academic ability and motivation. Most of our students have no previous University experience and many find reading Norwegian academic texts challenging enough. Chances are high that English texts on the syllabus will remain unread. Hence, while the intention is good, it might have the opposite effect: making access to academia for our particular student group even harder. ==> A compromise solution might be viable here: Rather than having no English texts on the syllabus, I could make sure that these texts are thoroughly discussed in class. Some improvement is also in sight, as a first volume of Achille Mbembe’s and of Stuart Hall’s thinking have recently been translated to Norwegian for the first time – and the publisher has signalled interest for further suggestions.

What should remain on the syllabus and what shouldn’t? To counter the arguments of decolonisation critics, it is often argued that decolonisation does not mean discarding the white men’s knowledge, but adding multiple perspectives. However, in practice, there are only a certain number of pages that students can be expected to read. If new texts are introduced, others have to go. Could it be a solution to

a) restructure some of the lectures to provide an overview over different landscapes of thinking rather than presenting a few thinkers in greater depth (I have not yet found alternatives to the above critiqued textbook, but hoping to find suitable texts)?; and

b) have an extensive and decentralised syllabus that consists of a number of mandatory texts and then presents students with options to study thinkers and theories across different social and geographical locations according to their interests?

On the one hand, the idea of a ‘canon’ that everyone must have read is already problematic. On the other hand, there is benefit in collaborative readings that are discussed in class to support students in their learning.

2) Why is my Teacher white?

My first-year social science classroom is representative of the multicultural Norway. The teachers who enter this classroom are not. I am originally from Germany – and that is as multicultural as it gets for the study programme in question. I am sceptic to the idea that white teachers cannot facilitate meaningful lectures on racism or coloniality, provided they are reflexive and explicit about their positionality. I do think, however, that it is problematic that many of our students cannot recognise themselves in the teaching body; that there are no role models who show that refugees from Somalia or children from Pakistani immigrants born in Norway indeed have a place in Norwegian academia. It is not co-incidental who succeeds in academia and who doesn’t. The systemic asymmetries that advance or disadvantage certain groups go beyond the university itself; but is there something we can do from within academia to address these imbalances? ==> In my courses, we traditionally invite a number of guest lecturers to teach on the subject of their expertise. If my colleagues and I are not representative of the multicultural Norway, should I seek to ensure that the guest lecturers are? I am so uncertain about this thought that I am hesitant to share it. Would approaching potential guest lecturers based on their skin colour or cultural background not imply devaluing their professional expertise and be utterly patronising? Or would it add to addressing imbalances in my classroom that could be related to coloniality?

3) Pre-assumptions and “taken-for-grantedness”

As teachers, we have implicit assumptions about our students’ prior experience, skills and knowledge. Moreover, as SAIH points out in the abovementioned tool on decolonising academia, both the Eurocentric curriculum content and certain ways of academic working, exam formats or lecturing styles may privilege students who at an early age have been socialised into Norwegian or global North education systems over those who have come to Norway recently. Such assumptions condition, to some extent, students’ academic success in the courses and programmes they take. For me as a white European academic, becoming aware of what I take for granted is presumably the trickiest point of concern on this list.

Some preliminary thoughts: until recently, you could have heard me praising pre-bologna-process times, when most elements of studying were voluntary rather than based on course requirements, attendance lists and other mandatory obligations that we find in our Bachelor and Master’s programmes. My ideal was engaged students who read and learn voluntarily, based on their own motivation – until I realised that this was an elitist ideal. While the neoliberal idea of producing highly specialised experts is not necessarily a better option, it was probably not so coincidental who succeeded in those voluntary study programmes. Above, I stated that my classroom represents the multicultural Norway. However, based on who is registered for my courses, disproportionally more white students actually attend my classes. There can be many reasons for that. However, one reason could be that more of my non-white students have to work to sustain themselves or can’t afford living in Oslo and face a long commute which often prevents them from coming to campus – unless attendance is mandatory.

To end on a final self-critical note on taken-for-grantedness: when I first submitted an abstract for the 2022 VAD conference on “Africa and Europe: Reciprocal Perspectives”, I called it “To crash or not to crash the canon”. Only when I prepared the conference presentation, on which also the present text is based, I realised that I could not expect everyone in the room to understand my allusion to Shakespeare’s Hamlet.

I would like to thank Julia Schöneberg and my colleague Marielle Stigum Gleiss for their helpful comments!